This study performed the largest analysis of online pornographic titles to date. It provides valuable evidence of the mainstreaming of sexual violence by top pornography websites because the study’s methodology utilized pornography titles that were advertised on the landing pages of the top three pornography websites in the U.K. to first-time users, and thus provides insight into the actions of the pornography sites themselves. Analysis revealed that the top three pornography websites in the U.K. (Pornhub, XVideos, and XHamster) market pornography that includes sexual violence from the very outset of the user experience – no click required.

This study is also unique for its emphasis on sexual violence (as defined by the World Health Organization) in pornography titles, not only physical violence (e.g., slapping, hitting, hair pulling, choking, etc.) as in other pornography content analyses.⁵ It is our view that the omission of categories of sexual violence (e.g., incest, coercion, non-consensually distributed material, etc.) in other pornography website content analyses results in under representation of the abusive sexual scripts in mainstream pornography.⁶

As noted above, this analysis revealed that 1 in every 8 (12%) titles described activities that constitute sexual violence: the most common form of sexual violence described was sexual activity between family members, followed by physical aggression and sexual assault, image-based sexual abuse, and coercive and exploitative sexual activity. Importantly, this is a low estimate of sexual violence in mainstream pornography because the study excluded BDSM content and did not analyze content beyond the landing pages of the websites reviewed.

The common use of the word ‘teen’ identified in the study suggests that these sites are likely hosting child sexual abuse material (CSAM). In fact, we know that they have hosted CSAM. See Rose Kalemba and Pornhub: How MindGeek Exploited the Sexual Assault of a 14-Year-Old, as well as The Children of Pornhub and Why Do We Let Corporations Profit from Rape Videos? for illustrations of this point. Even if some of these videos do not actually depict minors, they nevertheless promote a sexual script premised on adult sex with minors (i.e., child sexual abuse).

Previous research has revealed that performers in ‘teen’ themed videos were portrayed as having less power and control than older performers.⁷ Shor (2018) reported that 90% of ‘teenage’ females in videos containing visible aggression displayed pleasure, compared to 54% when visible aggression was not present.⁸ Teenage performers were also significantly more likely to display pleasure in videos that included spanking, forced vaginal or anal penetration, and forced gagging than in videos without these acts, compared to ‘adult’ performers.⁹ As Shor astutely noted, “pornography featuring teenage performers enjoying (aggressive) sex with older men may also be problematic because of its potential contribution to notions of minors as legitimate targets for sexual encounters and sexual aggression and, consequently, to the abuse of teenagers and children.”¹⁰

The heavy reliance of the pornography industry on teen-themed pornography as identified in the Vera-Gray et al. study signals the mass appeal and profitability of pornography that either suggests or provides actual depictions of sex with minors. It can no longer be argued that Surface Web pornography sites are ‘safe’ and free from illegal content and abuse. In fact, much of their material may be criminally obscene and depict evidence of real sexual assaults and non-consensual distribution. In this way, the Surface Web is becoming, or has become, the new Dark Web.

It is also important to recognize that children who end up on these sites are being exposed and socialized to sexual violence right from the start. Adults who have been viewing/addicted to pornography for years have escalated to sexually violent content, but children using these sites are being thrown into the deep end. This has serious implications, since other research has found that individuals who engaged in adult pornography use at a younger age were more likely to transition to deviant (i.e., child and animal pornography) use, demonstrating desensitization to adult hardcore pornography over time.¹¹

Vera-Gray et al. also noted that instead of clearly labelling content as sexual violence, most of the descriptions of serious sexual offences were portrayed as ordinary or even humorous. This has significant implications for society’s understanding of the difference between sexual pleasure and sexual harm; the sexual scripts shown in pornography warp social understandings of the boundary between sex and sexual violence. This is especially concerning given the association between pornography use and sexual offending. A national longitudinal study of sexual offenses (e.g., sexual harassment, sexual assault, coercive sex, and rape) among youth aged 10‒21 years found that the average age of first perpetration was between 15 and 16 years old, and after controlling for potentially influential characteristics, current exposure to violent pornography was strongly associated with the emergence of sexual violence perpetration.¹²

Vera-Gray et al. also strongly challenged the notion that the pornography industry is capable of self-regulation. As the authors explained, there is an obvious gap between what pornography companies say they prohibit and what is actually available on their sites. The terms of pornography sites claim that they prohibit depictions of incest, implied acts of sexual violence, and any content that promotes or encouragescriminal behavior. This is not limited to “real” sexual violence but includes simulations. Their findings, however, impugn the validity of pornography companies’ promises to self-regulate. It is absurd to claim these sites can self-regulate when their terms clearly ban content they openly promote on their sites. Pornhub, XVideos, and XHamster have failed to enforce their own policies for years. In addition, the clear prohibitions on this kind of material given in the site terms and subsequent failure to enforce these terms creates a disconnect, encouraging users to believe that this content does not describe, promote, or endorse unlawful activity. This actively warps even further the boundary between what is considered sex and what counts as sexual violence.

In summary, “mainstream online pornography is a key social institution” for developing norms of sexual conduct (p. 14). This study provides powerful evidence that major pornography sites are socializing users to view sexual violence as normal.